By: Richard Oxenberg

We are spiraling downward. The new Texas abortion law – which authorizes private citizens to sue anyone who provides aid to a pregnant woman seeking an abortion after a fetal heartbeat can be detected (around six weeks after conception) – is as much an assault on the U.S. Constitution and civil society as on women’s rights. That the Supreme Court has declined to prevent this patently unconstitutional law from going into effect undermines the integrity of the Court as an institution, which, in turn, places U.S. constitutional democracy itself in jeopardy.

These are dangerous times.

One question that arises is to what extent the law is motivated by a sincere concern over the morality of abortion and to what extent it is merely a foray in culture war politics, with little regard to the morality of anything.

The sinister nature of this law, which sets neighbor against neighbor, rather strongly suggests the latter. But it raises the question of what a real concern for the morality of abortion might look like, one that is sensitive to the moral sensibilities of sincere people on both sides of the issue.

The following is an attempt to sketch out a position on abortion that takes the views and concerns of both sides into account. I’ll call it a “whole life” position. It is my attempt to lift the issue out of the realm of culture war politics. I am all too aware, though, that when an issue is as polarized as this, any attempt to appeal to both sides runs the risk of being welcomed by neither. Nevertheless, with not a little trepidation, I offer the following reflections.

The Metaphysics of Abortion

Let’s begin with a simple question (a question simple to ask, that is, not at all to answer): When in the development of a fetus does it become a human self, deserving of moral respect?

Surely all would agree that at some point it does. No one believes we have the right to kill babies after they are born, however inconvenient their existence may be to us. What about five minutes before they are born? Ten minutes? At what point does the developing fetus become a being whose life should be viewed as sacrosanct?

The answer to this question is that no one has a definitive answer to this question. It is a question touching upon fundamental mysteries about the nature, the metaphysics, of the human self – mysteries that are beyond our sure knowledge. This is why this question is largely answered by appeal to religious faith, or lack of it.

Because we don’t know the answer to this question, we also don’t know the moral status of abortion. Is abortion the moral equivalent of killing a human being, or is it more the moral equivalent of getting a haircut? Does it become progressively more like killing a human being and progressively less like getting a haircut as the pregnancy continues? At what point does it become so like killing a human being that it becomes morally unacceptable?

We can’t answer these questions, at least not with any degree of certainty. That’s the predicament anyone who wishes to think seriously about this issue is in.

But precisely because we don’t know the answer to these questions, there is something we do know: We know that we don’t know. And we can craft a position on abortion around this not-knowing. Indeed, this is what we must do if we are to adopt a position in tune with the actual situation we find ourselves in.

A Woman’s Rights

A fetus grows in the womb of a woman. There are those who would say that, given this, a woman has a moral right to an abortion regardless of the moral status of the fetus. But this is a questionable proposition. Surely there are times in life when we are morally obliged to be respectful of the moral requirements of others, even when it may cause us considerable difficulty. One might well argue that pregnancy is one of these times – that is, to the extent that we regard the fetus as having the moral status of a human being.

But does it have this status? If so, when does it acquire this status?

Again, there is no definitive answer to these questions; those who hazard an answer mainly do so on the basis of religious faith (or lack of it).

So the next question becomes: In a society dedicated to freedom of religion, who is to be granted the authority to decide whether and when the fetus has this status?

We must consider this question carefully. Someone, after all, must be granted the authority to make this determination and this decision. Who but the woman should be granted this authority? It is, of course, a matter of the most intimate concern to the woman whose pregnancy it is; it is her life that may be altered profoundly depending on the decision made; it is her body in which the fetus is growing. There is no one else in a decision-making capacity whose interest and involvement in the matter is as compelling as that of the pregnant woman, and though we can’t say with certainty whether and when the fetus is to be regarded as having the status of a full-fledged human self, we do know with certainty that the woman has this status. On what grounds, then, might it be claimed that anyone else has the right to make this decision? In the absence of any definitive knowledge as to the fetus’s moral status one way or the other, we can find no such grounds. Therefore, we must regard it as the woman’s decision to make.

Nevertheless, precisely because we are dealing with a moral unknown, we might also recognize that it is not a decision to be made lightly. The choice about whether or not to have an abortion is not on a par with the choice, say, about what to have for dinner. It seems to me that the rhetoric of the left often fails to acknowledge the moral weight of what is at stake in the abortion issue, and this failure undermines its ability to make the morality of its own position clear to those with differing views.

At present in our society, neither side of the abortion issue speaks to the concerns of the other. The political right accuses the political left of disregarding the moral status of the fetus. The political left accuses the political right of disregarding the freedom, dignity, and welfare of women. Both sides talk past one another, and it is this talking past one another that makes the issue so politically divisive and so ripe for exploitation.

A “Whole Life” Position

Where does this leave us?

Some years ago, Hillary Clinton remarked that abortions should be “legal, safe, and rare.” This is the view I believe we should adopt, but with more emphasis on the ‘rare’ than it is generally given on the political left.

We should want abortions to be rare because they have moral weight and should be regarded as having such weight – if only because we can’t know with certainty what moral weight they have. We should want abortions to be rare because abortions terminate a potential human life, and given the sanctity of human life, it is not good for us as a society to regard this as an altogether trivial matter.

But precisely because of the sanctity of human life, it is not enough for us to strive to make abortions rare. We must strive to make poverty rare, unwanted pregnancy rare, racial discrimination rare, ignorance rare, lack of socio-economic opportunity rare, lack of access to health care rare, lack of access to quality education rare, and so on.

A “whole life” position on abortion is rooted in the belief that all of human life is sacrosanct, not just the life of the yet-to-be-born. And this is where the political right betrays its bad faith when it comes to the abortion question. If the opposition to abortion were truly rooted in a commitment to the sanctity of human life it would be part of a broader concern for the welfare of all human beings, including those in the agonizing position of being plagued with an unwanted pregnancy. A political movement concerned with the sanctity of human life would not oppose mask-wearing during a public health crisis, it would not employ repressive election laws to deprive others of their right to political representation, it most certainly would not rally behind the corruption and cruelties of Donald Trump and his deceitful cronies.

The Texas Law

And this brings us back to the Texas law.

The Texas law is an abomination, not just because it violates women’s rights, but because the egregious manner in which it does so also betrays any who might be troubled by abortion on truly moral grounds.

It is a law rooted in culture war politics, not moral concerns, and its effect will be the promotion of a more sinister and corrupt society, not a more morally sensitive one. And yet it is just such moral sensitivity that we require if we are going to caringly address abortion and other morally relevant issues.

And so the Texas law should be opposed, not only by abortion rights advocates, but by any who would hope to promote a morally attuned society. It is a law whose effect, and perhaps even aim, is to blunt our moral sensibilities and set our society at war with itself.


Richard Oxenberg received his Ph.D. in Philosophy from Emory University in 2002, with a concentration in Ethics and Philosophy of Religion. He currently teaches at Endicott College, in Beverly MA.

He is the author of the book, On the Meaning of Human Being: Heidegger and the Bible in Dialogue, published by Political Animal Press.

Image: Supreme Court rally after the decision on Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt Texas abortion case, Supreme Court, Washington, DC by Adam Fagen via flickr (CC BY 2.0)


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